希尔琳·艾芭迪(Shirin Ebadi)，1947年跟包圆支6月21日出生，伊朗女性律师和人权活动者。2003年10月因她为民主和人权，特别是为妇女和儿童的权益所作出的努力而被授予诺贝尔和平奖，成为第一位获得该奖的伊朗人和穆斯林女性。
- 中文名称 希尔琳·艾芭迪
- 外文名称 Shirin Ebadi
- 国籍 伊朗
- 出生日期 1947年6月21日
- 职业 律师
人物生平
希尔琳·艾芭迪 (Shirin Ebadi)，女性，出生于1947 年, 伊朗律师、法官、演讲家、作家和人权活动家。2003年12月10日,为表依爱彰其在为难民、妇女和儿童争取权利等方面所做出的贡献而获得2003年度诺贝尔和平奖，成为自1901年诺贝尔奖创立以来第一位获此奖项的穆斯林妇女。
1947年6 月21 日，艾芭迪出生在伊朗哈曼达，她的父亲是哈曼达的首席公正人，又是一名商业律师。她出生后第二年，举家迁居首都德黑兰。艾芭迪毕业于德黑兰大学法律系。1975 年她开始担任德黑兰市法院院长，成为伊朗第一位女草降长普口画销法官;1979 年伊朗伊斯兰革命后她被迫辞职。此后，她一直申请做一名律师，直到1993 年她才获得这一身份。此间，她出来自版了包括《伊朗在觉醒》等几本书，使她获得了很高的社会名望。
作为律师，她参与了许多有争议的政治诉讼案例。她担任过1999-2000 年作家和知识分子系列谋杀案受害者家庭的辩护律师;揭露了1999 年德黑兰大学学生被袭事件的幕后真相。她以促进严重社会问题得到和平、民主的解决方式而闻名。她积极参与公共事务的辩论，多次遭到监禁断从伤西重盾感液迅征负，但她最终有力地抵御了360百科伊朗保守派对她的攻击，得到全国民众的钦佩。
甲河范历运她一直致力于维护妇女儿童权益括失很染，推动伊朗人权进步。2003 年因她为民主和人权，特别是为妇女和儿童的权益所做出的努力而被授予诺贝尔和平奖。获奖之后，她更加积极地发挥着推进督乱道夜设简非人权的社会作用，相继在大学访问并发表演讲，发表再强乐天抗老请了不少呼吁保护妇女儿童的文章。她有一个美满的家庭，丈夫是一名电气工程师，他们有两个孩子。目前艾芭迪还在德黑兰大学担任教职 。
获奖感言
以下为她2003低社指胞市钟年12月10日在瑞格杂接典奥斯陆诺贝尔和平奖颁奖典礼上的演讲。
The Nobel Peace Lecture for 补府范压值重2003 By Shirin Ebadi In the name of the God of Creation and Wisdom Your Majesty, Your Royal Highnesses, Honourable Members of the Norwegian No导始犯营诉bel Committee, Excellencies, Ladies an改士好号高d Gentlemen, I feel extremely honoured that today my voice is reaching the people of the world from this distinguished venue. This great 念什honour has been bestow不护ed upon me by the Norwegian Nobel Committee. I salute the spirit of Alfred Nobel and hail all true followers of his path. This year, the Nobel Peac烧本须注突植督映e Prize has b显看扬读钟非杨伤主或een awarded to a woman from Ir些频款an, a Muslim country in the Middle East. Undoubtedly, my sel教望照原理信龙翻活ection will be an inspiration to the masses of women who are striving to realize their rights, not only in Iran but throughout the region – rights taken away from them through the passage of history. This selection will make women in Iran, and much further afield, believe in themselves. Women constitute half of the population of every country. To disregard women and bar them from active participation in political, social, economic and cultural life would in fact be tantamount to depriving the entire population of every society of half its capability. The patriarchal culture and the discrimination against women, particularly in the Islamic countries, cannot continue for ever. Honourable members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee! As you are aware, the honour and blessing of this prize will have a positive and far-reaching impact on the humanitarian and genuine endeavours of the people of Iran and the region. The magnitude of this blessing will embrace every freedom-loving and peace-seeking individual, whether they are women or men. I thank the Norwegian Nobel Committee for this honour that has been bestowed upon me and for the blessing of this honour for the peace-loving people of my country. Today coincides with the 55th anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; a declaration which begins with the recognition of the inherent dignity and the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family, as the guarantor of freedom, justice and peace. And it promises a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of _expression and opinion, and be safeguarded and protected against fear and poverty. Unfortunately, however, this year\'s report by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), as in the previous years, spells out the rise of a disaster which distances mankind from the idealistic world of the authors of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. In 2002, almost 1.2 billion human beings lived in glaring poverty, earning less than one dollar a day. Over 50 countries were caught up in war or natural disasters. AIDS has so far claimed the lives of 22 million individuals, and turned 13 million children into orphans. At the same time, in the past two years, some states have violated the universal principles and laws of human rights by using the events of 11 September and the war on international terrorism as a pretext. The United Nations General Assembly Resolution 57/219, of 18 December 2002, the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1456, of 20 January 2003, and the United Nations Commission on Human Rights Resolution 2003/68, of 25 April 2003, set out and underline that all states must ensure that any measures taken to combat terrorism must comply with all their obligations under international law, in particular international human rights and humanitarian law. However, regulations restricting human rights and basic freedoms, special bodies and extraordinary courts, which make fair adjudication difficult and at times impossible, have been justified and given legitimacy under the cloak of the war on terrorism. The concerns of human rights\' advocates increase when they observe that international human rights laws are breached not only by their recognized opponents under the pretext of cultural relativity, but that these principles are also violated in Western democracies, in other words countries which were themselves among the initial codifiers of the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It is in this framework that, for months, hundreds of individuals who were arrested in the course of military conflicts have been imprisoned in Guantanamo, without the benefit of the rights stipulated under the international Geneva conventions, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the [United Nations] International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Moreover, a question which millions of citizens in the international civil society have been asking themselves for the past few years, particularly in recent months, and continue to ask, is this: why is it that some decisions and resolutions of the UN Security Council are binding, while some other resolutions of the council have no binding force? Why is it that in the past 35 years, dozens of UN resolutions concerning the occupation of the Palestinian territories by the state of Israel have not been implemented promptly, yet, in the past 12 years, the state and people of Iraq, once on the recommendation of the Security Council, and the second time, in spite of UN Security Council opposition, were subjected to attack, military assault, economic sanctions, and, ultimately, military occupation? Ladies and Gentlemen, Allow me to say a little about my country, region, culture and faith. I am an Iranian. A descendent of Cyrus The Great. The very emperor who proclaimed at the pinnacle of power 2500 years ago that "… he would not reign over the people if they did not wish it." And [he] promised not to force any person to change his religion and faith and guaranteed freedom for all. The Charter of Cyrus The Great is one of the most important documents that should be studied in the history of human rights. I am a Muslim. In the Koran the Prophet of Islam has been cited as saying: "Thou shalt believe in thine faith and I in my religion." That same divine book sees the mission of all prophets as that of inviting all human beings to uphold justice. Since the advent of Islam, too, Iran\'s civilization and culture has become imbued and infused with humanitarianism, respect for the life, belief and faith of others, propagation of tolerance and compromise and avoidance of violence, bloodshed and war. The luminaries of Iranian literature, in particular our Gnostic literature, from Hafiz, Mowlavi [better known in the West as Rumi] and Attar to Saadi, Sanaei, Naser Khosrow and Nezami, are emissaries of this humanitarian culture. Their message manifests itself in this poem by Saadi: "The sons of Adam are limbs of one another Having been created of one essence." "When the calamity of time afflicts one limb The other limbs cannot remain at rest." The people of Iran have been battling against consecutive conflicts between tradition and modernity for over 100 years. By resorting to ancient traditions, some have tried and are trying to see the world through the eyes of their predecessors and to deal with the problems and difficulties of the existing world by virtue of the values of the ancients. But, many others, while respecting their historical and cultural past and their religion and faith, seek to go forth in step with world developments and not lag behind the caravan of civilization, development and progress. The people of Iran, particularly in the recent years, have shown that they deem participation in public affairs to be their right, and that they want to be masters of their own destiny. This conflict is observed not merely in Iran, but also in many Muslim states. Some Muslims, under the pretext that democracy and human rights are not compatible with Islamic teachings and the traditional structure of Islamic societies, have justified despotic governments, and continue to do so. In fact, it is not so easy to rule over a people who are aware of their rights, using traditional, patriarchal and paternalistic methods. Islam is a religion whose first sermon to the Prophet begins with the word "Recite!" The Koran swears by the pen and what it writes. Such a sermon and message cannot be in conflict with awareness, knowledge, wisdom, freedom of opinion and _expression and cultural pluralism. The discriminatory plight of women in Islamic states, too, whether in the sphere of civil law or in the realm of social, political and cultural justice, has its roots in the patriarchal and male-dominated culture prevailing in these societies, not in Islam. This culture does not tolerate freedom and democracy, just as it does not believe in the equal rights of men and women, and the liberation of women from male domination (fathers, husbands, brothers …), because it would threaten the historical and traditional position of the rulers and guardians of that culture. One has to say to those who have mooted the idea of a clash of civilizations, or prescribed war and military intervention for this region, and resorted to social, cultural, economic and political sluggishness of the South in a bid to justify their actions and opinions, that if you consider international human rights laws, including the nations\' right to determine their own destinies, to be universal, and if you believe in the priority and superiority of parliamentary democracy over other political systems, then you cannot think only of your own security and comfort, selfishly and contemptuously. A quest for new means and ideas to enable the countries of the South, too, to enjoy human rights and democracy, while maintaining their political independence and territorial integrity of their respective countries, must be given top priority by the United Nations in respect of future developments and international relations. The decision by the Nobel Peace Committee to award the 2003 prize to me, as the first Iranian and the first woman from a Muslim country, inspires me and millions of Iranians and nationals of Islamic states with the hope that our efforts, endeavours and struggles toward the realization of human rights and the establishment of democracy in our respective countries enjoy the support, backing and solidarity of international civil society. This prize belongs to the people of Iran. It belongs to the people of the Islamic states, and the people of the South for establishing human rights and democracy. Ladies and Gentlemen In the introduction to my speech, I spoke of human rights as a guarantor of freedom, justice and peace. If human rights fail to be manifested in codified laws or put into effect by states, then, as rendered in the preamble of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, human beings will be left with no choice other than staging a "rebellion against tyranny and oppression." A human being divested of all dignity, a human being deprived of human rights, a human being gripped by starvation, a human being beaten by famine, war and illness, a humiliated human being and a plundered human being is not in any position or state to recover the rights he or she has lost. If the 21st century wishes to free itself from the cycle of violence, acts of terror and war, and avoid repetition of the experience of the 20th century – that most disaster-ridden century of humankind, there is no other way except by understanding and putting into practice every human right for all mankind, irrespective of race, gender, faith, nationality or social status. In anticipation of that day. With much gratitude Shirin Ebadi
Shirin Ebadi is an Iranian lawyer and human rights activist and also teaches at the University of Tehran. This lecture was given in Oslo, Sweden on December 10, 2003.
附参考译文:
2003年12月10日 奥斯陆 诺贝尔演讲厅
以万能和智慧的上帝的名义!
尊贵的挪威诺贝尔委员会的成员阁下、女士们和先生们:
今天，我感到非常荣耀，我的声音能够从这个举世瞩目的会场传遍全世 界;这份巨大的荣耀是挪威诺贝尔委员会赋予我的，我谨向诺贝尔以及 其精神的追随者们致以由衷的敬意。
今年，诺贝尔和平奖授予了我这样一名来自伊朗的妇女，伊朗，是位于 中东的穆斯林国家。
这样的选择，不容置疑地将会成为一种精神力量，来鼓舞那些正在为自 己的权利而奋斗的妇女群体--不只是伊朗的，而且包括那些由于历史的原因而被剥夺了权利的世界各地的民众。这个选择，将会使伊朗的以 及很大范围的妇女获得自信。每个国家的人口有半数是妇女，漠视妇女，并把她们从政治、社会、经济和文化生活等活动领域排斥出去，实际上 就等同于剥夺整个国家人口一半的社会能力。这种家长式文化，这种对妇女的歧视，尤其是在伊斯兰国家，再也不能继续下去了。
尊贵的诺贝尔委员会的所有成员，正如你们所意识到的，这份荣誉和祝福将在人道主义和真诚的努力方面，给予伊朗和其他地区的人们确切而 深远的冲击影响。这份伟大的荣誉和祝福还将给予每一个热爱自由、寻求和平的人，无论他们是妇女还是男子。我感谢挪威诺贝尔委员会把这 份荣誉赠予我，把荣誉和祝福赠予了我国热爱和平的人们。
今天，恰好是世界人权宣言生效55周年。这个宣言是以"鉴于对人类家 庭全体成员的与生俱来的尊严和平等不移的权利的承认, 乃是世界自 由、正义与和平的基础"作为开头的。宣言还许诺人类一个人人享有表 达言论和见解的自由，并保障人们免于恐惧和贫困。
然而，不幸的是，今年联合国开发计划署的报告，如几年前一样，明确 地指出违背人类的灾难有增无减，这与"世界人权宣言"的起草者的理想的世界是背道而驰的。在2002年一年中，约有1.2亿人生活在触目惊 心的贫困之中，一天的收入不到一美元;50多个国家遭遇了战争或自然灾害;艾滋病到目前为止正在危及着两千二百万人的生命，致使一千三 百万儿童沦为孤儿。
与此同时，在过去两年中，一些国家以9·11和国际恐怖主义为借口， 公然违背了普世原则和人权法。2002年12月18日联合国大会57/219 号决议、2003年1月20日联合国安理会1456号决议、2003年4月25 号联合国人权委员会2003/68号决议，都声明并强调，所有国家必须确 保在打击恐怖主义所采取的方式上有必要遵循国际法的义务，尤其是遵守国际人权和人道主义法律。但是，某些特殊的组织和特别法庭时常难 以作出或者不可能作出公正的判决，这些制约人权和基本自由的法则在反恐战争的掩饰下已然变成公正合法的了;人权倡导者的忧虑日益增 长，特别是他们看到国际人权规则不仅仅被他们已经认可的以所谓文化冲突为借口的敌人所破坏，而且也被某些西方民主国家所违背--换句 话说，这些国家正是编撰联合国宪章和世界人权宣言的最初成员国。
几个月以来，在军事冲突中被拘捕的数以百计的人士被监禁在关塔那 摩，而没有得到《日内瓦国际公约》、《世界人权宣言》、《联合国国 际公民和政治权利盟约》等规定的权益保障。
还有，一个被上百万国际民间社团成员不断质疑的问题，过去许多年， 特别是近来几个月，正继续受到质疑。这个质疑就是:联合国安理会的一些决定和决议，为什么一直被束之高阁?另外还有些决议，为什么没 有约束力?在过去的35年间，联合国关于以色列所占领的巴勒斯坦地区领土问题的许多决议，为什么到现在还没有得以实施?在过去的12 年间，尽管有联合国安理会的一而再、再而三的忠告和反对，为什么伊拉克国家和人民却依然遭受武力打击、军事袭击、经济制裁并军事占领 呢?
先生们、女士们!
请允许我在这里谈一些与我的国家、地区、文化和信仰有关的事。
我是一名伊朗人，伟大的居鲁士的后裔。2500年前，居鲁士大帝在他的 权力达到顶峰时宣告:"……如果人民没有这个希望，我将不会凌驾于人民之上。"他许诺不会强迫任何人去改变自己的宗教信仰，并且保证 给予全部人民以自由。在人权史上，神圣的居鲁士宪章在人权史上应该是被研究的最重要的文献之一。
我是一名穆斯林，在《古兰经》里，伊斯兰的先知的话作为箴言而被引述:"在我的教里，你应该相信你的信仰和我本人。"这本圣书还预言 所有先知的使命，他们的使命就是引导全人类维护正义。自从伊斯兰教出现，伊朗的文明和文化显然已被人道主义、对生命的敬重、对他人的 信任和诚实等这些美德所滋润，也被所宣扬的容忍与妥协，对暴力、杀戮与战争的退避而滋润。从哈菲兹(Hafiz)、默拉夫伊(Mowlavi )，(他的西方名"Rumi"鲁米更为人熟知)和阿挞(Attar)，一直到萨迪 (Saadi)、萨那伊(Sanaei)、拿萨尔·克瓦斯罗夫(Naser Khosrow) 和纳扎米(Nezami)等，闪烁着伊朗文学尤其是我们的神秘精神文学的 光芒，他们都是人类文化使者，他们所表达的信息可以在萨迪(Saadi)的这首诗中得以体现:
"亚当的儿子们互为臂膀， 由亚当的血肉生成"
"当岁月流逝损毁其中一个臂膀， 其他的臂膀就难以保全"
伊朗人民在传统与现代的延续性冲突中已经抗争百余年了。通过吸收古 代传统文化，一些人已经尝试或者正在尝试以他们先人的视野来审视当 今世界，以先人的价值观念来对付当今世界的问题和困难。
而另外许多人，在遵从他们过去的历史文化以及宗教信仰的同时，热衷 于紧随世界发展的潮流，而不滞后于文明、发展和进步的步履。尤其是 近年来，伊朗人民已经显示出他们能够把参与公共事务视为自己的权利 和要成为自己命运的主人的热望。
这种文化冲突，不仅在伊朗，而且在许多别的穆斯林国家都能看到。一 些穆斯林以民主和人权不能够与伊斯兰教义和伊斯兰社会传统结构相兼容为借口为专制政府辩护，这种现象如今已有所改观。事实上，用传 统的家长似的的专制主义等方式来统治一个渐渐觉醒的民族，并不那么 容易。
伊斯兰教早先是以"诵"的形式来布道的。古兰经现在是靠笔书写来起 誓的。此样的布道和表达的信息不可能在意识、知识、智慧、见解和表 达的自由以及文化多元主义等方面有什么冲突。
伊斯兰国家妇女也在民法领域或者是在社会正义、政治和文化正义领域 遭受不公平待遇的情况，不仅在伊斯兰教中，而且在整个伊斯兰国家里，在社会盛行的家长制和夫权制文化的社会中，有其自身文化上的根源。 这种文化难以忍受自由和民主，正如同这种文化不相信男女之间有平等权利，不相信从男权(父亲、丈夫、兄弟……)那里能够得到妇女的自 由一样，因为这会危及统治者以及卫道者的历史和传统的地位。
你必须对那些提出文明冲突观点，或对那些在本地区诉诸战争和军事干 涉，或凭借对付发展中国家的在社会、文化、经济和政治上的惯性，试图来证明他们的行为和观念的人说，如果你认为国际人权法则(包括各 个国家有决定他们自己命运的权利)是普遍适用的，如果您相信优先权和议会民主优于其它政治体制, 那么你就不能仅仅自私且傲慢地只考虑 你自己的安全与舒适。对于发展中国家享受人权和民主的新方式新思维的寻求，特别是在维护他们各自国家的政治独立和领土完整的时候，就 未来发展和国际关系上，联合国必须拥有最大优先权。
诺贝尔和平委员会决定把2003年的和平奖授予我，让我成为第一个获 此殊荣的伊朗人和第一个获此殊荣的来自穆斯林国家的女性，这个决定激励着我以及成千上万的伊朗人民，还有各个伊斯兰国家的人们，证明 各自国家在通往实现人权和民主建设的道路上继续努力、奋斗与斗争，并正得到国际文明社会的支持、依靠和支撑。这个奖属于伊朗人民;这 个奖属于伊斯兰国家的人民，属于为了建立人权和民主的发展中国家人 民。
女士们、先生们!
在我的演讲的开始，我把人权说成是自由、正义与和平的保证。如果人 权不能被明明白白地由各国编撰进法律或付诸实施的话，那么，正如世界人权宣言的序文中所提出的那样，除了进行"对暴政和压迫进行反叛" 之外，人们将别无选择。一个尊严落地、人权剥离、饥饿钳制、饥谨、战争与疾病侵袭并任人欺凌的人，将会不顾一切地去夺回他或她所失去 的一切。
如果21世纪希望从暴力、 恐怖行动和战争的怪圈里解放出来，并避免 20 世纪--那是自有人类以来灾难最深重的世纪--的教训的重演, 除了理解并兑现不分种族、性别、信仰、国籍和社会地位的全人类的人 权，别无他法。
我们期待着那天的到来。
谨致以诚挚的谢意
希尔琳·艾芭迪
